Escobar: USA against return of the Serbian forces to Kosovo; CSM will be formed

The US Special Envoy for the Western Balkans, Gabriel Escobar, said that Kosovo had strong American security guarantees and added that the US opposed Serbia's request for the return of members of the security forces to Kosovo, Radio Free Europe reports.

Escobar pointed out that the barricades in the north of Kosovo should be removed by those who set them up. He asked the Government of Kosovo to find a way to resolve the concerns of the Serbian community in the north.

Escobar added that the formation of the Community of Serb-majority Municipalities was an obligation, both for Kosovo and Serbia, and for the EU, which mediated the negotiations.

"We will have a CSM, we will be part of the process and that process must include the Government of Kosovo. If not, we can develop that discussion with alternative partners, with civil society, with youth groups, with the business community, with everyone who would like Serbia and Kosovo to get out of this cycle of instability," said Escobar in an interview with RFE.

Mr. Escobar, thank you for the interview with Radio Free Europe in Pristina! What has been your impression on your visit to Kosovo so far?

Like all my visits to Kosovo, they were very productive. I want to start by saying something I said in one of my recent interviews. We consider Kosovo and the Western Balkans part of the transatlantic community. You are simply not part of the formal structures, but we consider you important partners and productive members of the community.

Every time I come here, I meet with business leaders, I meet with civil society, I meet with youth leaders. I have done this during this visit as well. They really reinforced my opinion and the opinion of our government that the Western Balkans has been more of an opportunity for Europe and the United States than a danger. We just have to make this inclinations a reality.

Let's start with the current situation in the north of Kosovo. Who do you see as responsible for the barricades?

What I want to say is less about guilt and more about the way forward. The reality is that everyone should contribute to the process and the resolution of the current crisis. I truly believe that the barricades should be removed by the people who put them up. However, we also need to provide them with a diplomatic avenue to resolve their grievances – through political and diplomatic channels. This is how we see the current crisis. And after the crisis, we need to start thinking about a more sustainable framework in which communities in this country can work together.

Prime Minister of Kosovo Albin Kurti said that the barricades were under the influence of Belgrade. Do you share this opinion?

I share this opinion. However, based on my conversations with the community there, they have some complaints that need to be heard. I don't think boycotts and barricades are the way to do it. But I think that open communication, dialogue, and acknowledging that there is a lack of trust between the two communities is important to moving forward successfully.

Do you think there is not enough dialogue with the local community from official Pristina?

I heard it from them. I have also heard from members of civil society and other people who are not politically connected, that in many cases they feel isolated from the central government. Now, in some cases, they also feel intimidated by some people who are connected to Belgrade. So, we have to find a way out of this trap. And the way forward is through careful coordination, open dialogue and full engagement in the EU-led dialogue.

After the Kosovo Serbs left the institutions, do you think it is possible to reintegrate the north of Kosovo into the institutional system of Kosovo?

I certainly hope that when we reach a solution, which I hope will happen soon, we will see the removal of the barricades and see a path for reintegration. I call on the Government of Kosovo to accept the people who will return, those who have the right to return, to allow them to return. Afterwards we go further in discussions about normalization.

You have met with representatives of the Serb List...

Yes I have.

Do you think they will support the return of Kosovo Serbs to Kosovo institutions?

I think they want to come back. I don't think anyone benefits from a boycott. I think we should all be involved in the process of reconciliation and I think they can be a part of this process.

Is Belgrade using the barricades as an excuse to improve its negotiating position in the dialogue?

That remains to be seen. But I must say that there are still elements of mistrust between that community and the central government. And whatever happens, whatever we do, there has to be trust between communities before we have a successful solution.

If the local population does not remove the barricades, Prime Minister Kurti has called on Kfor to do so. Do you expect KFOR to remove the barricades?

We expect the people who raised them to remove them. But we also expect them to be offered a way to resolve some issues. Now, there are so many issues that we have to decide on. Some issues related to the rule of law, with legitimate arrest warrants... they should be tried in court and not on the street. However, in matters related to administrative procedures, such as car license plates, the voice of the Serbian community should be heard. We encouraged the Government to listen to their voice on this matter. We will continue to try to bring both sides closer together and focus their attention on the EU-led dialogue.

Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic said that on December 15, Serbia will ask KFOR to return its forces to Kosovo. How does the US see this?

We categorically oppose it. We categorically reject this. We do not support it at all. And, also, I want to say that Kosovo has very strong security guarantees from the United States.

What would be the response of the USA if Belgrade made an armed incursion?

First of all, I don't expect this. But, secondly, I will repeat that Kosovo has strong security guarantees from the United States, which are manifested by their participation in KFOR.

How can the US, or you personally, contribute to reducing tensions?

I have told the Serbian community that I am open to listening to their concerns. They have some legitimate concerns. We are also looking for ways to help this government strengthen its position on many issues. But the most important thing that the USA wants is to see the creation of the Community of Serb-majority Municipalities. I told the people that the United States would help this government carry this out. From our position, it is an international obligation, legally binding.

It is an obligation for Serbia, it is an obligation for Kosovo, it is an obligation for the EU, which helped in its negotiations. And since we support dialogue, that is our commitment. Now, no politician in any political party can avoid this obligation. So we will work for CSM. That will be our contribution to the dialogue process.

Should the CSM be formed before reaching a final agreement?

To be honest, I think we need to work on CSM immediately. That should be on the agenda of the next discussion. We have to think about how to use it to build trust between the Government and the minority community. This has nothing to do with Serbia. This refers to the relationship between the Government and the minority community, within the constitutional structure of Kosovo and fully in accordance with the laws of Kosovo. I see this as an opportunity to improve relations between groups, and not as an opportunity for another country to interfere in the internal affairs of Kosovo.

Prime Minister of Kosovo Albin Kurti believes that this issue should be part of the final agreement and that it should not be discussed before the final agreement.

It already exists as an obligation. We believe that all existing obligations should be implemented as soon as possible.

Do you share the same concern with the leaders of Kosovo that the CSM could be a copy of Republic of Srpska?

No, absolutely not. It is not a mechanism that will be imposed on Kosovo. It is an issue for which Kosovo can work with the international community, as well as with the affected community, to find a win-win solution that allows for the protection of collective rights, allowing for the preservation of functionality and constitutionality of this independent and sovereign state.

In the Franco-German proposal, there is no mention of mutual recognition, no mention of Kosovo's membership in the United Nations, nor is there an explicit mention of the CSM. Could this be a level of concession for both sides to eventually reach an agreement?

Discussions on that proposal, which we fully support, are at a very sensitive stage. We are in a very preliminary phase of discussions. Miroslav Lajcak will be here today to start discussions on how to proceed with this proposal. But, again, we support it. We think that it is a victory for both countries and that it opens up opportunities for them to discuss conflict resolution, protection of minority communities, protection of religious and cultural areas and many things that will help them to deepen their European integration.

The Government of Kosovo did not fully accept this plan, but said that it represents a good basis for future negotiations. The focus of the Government of Kosovo, as they say, is that mutual recognition is at the heart of the agreement, while for Serbia it seems to be the JSA. What should the final agreement focus on?

At the center should be European integration for all countries of the Western Balkans. In this context, a good relationship, a stable relationship between all countries of the region. And finally, full recognition of the right of all states to exist, their independence and sovereignty. Our position has never changed in that respect, that recognition has to happen. However, the order of the steps and how we get there should be discussed within the dialogue. Our position is that the countries of this region, in order for the entire region to move forward, must have equal, respectful and peaceful relations with each other.

Even mutual recognition?

Yes, absolutely.

Kosovo postponed elections to April. What do you expect to change by then?

What I expect to change is that normalization talks begin immediately. I assure you that by April we will start talks on CSM. I must be clear, we will have CSM, we will be part of the process and that process must include the Government of Kosovo. If not, we can talk with alternative partners, with civil society, with youth groups, with the business community, with everyone who would like Serbia and Kosovo to get out of this cycle of instability. Business is being damaged, the future of young people is being ruined, everyone wants these two countries to progress.

When do you expect to reach a final agreement?

I'm not going to talk about timelines and we can't predict that, but urgently.

In recent months, the United States of America has repeatedly asked the Prime Minister of Kosovo, Albin Kurti, to withdraw from his decisions in order to prevent the escalation of the situation on the ground. Prime Minister Kurti did so, although he resisted for a while. Does the US consider them a credible partner willing to negotiate in good faith?

I have to be very clear about this. Relations between the United States and Kosovo are stable. They are strong. These relations are with the people of Kosovo, not with a specific person or party. Here we are open to partnership with the Government. That doesn't mean we won't have tactical differences. People should expect this. However, this does not mean that the US is abandoning its strong support for Kosovo.

On the other hand, Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic is intensifying his nationalist rhetoric regarding Kosovo. However, he was not faced with public criticism from the EU or the US. What is your view on this?

He was not faced with...?

Was he faced with it?

Absolutely yes. And those criticisms gave results. You saw how Serbia voted twice against Russia in the United Nations, once at the European Council for Human Rights and how it voted to suspend Russia from the EBRD. So, they are facing criticism and, by the way, in the same way that we asked your Government to adapt your policies and actions to create regional stability, we asked Serbia to do the same. And we achieved results. The solution for ID cards is a unilateral concession by Serbia. And in many other ways we have acknowledged the way forward to create regional stability. Therefore, I would like to emphasize that we are not one-sided on this issue and we are looking for a solution from which both countries gain.

However, Serbia still refuses to impose sanctions on Russia.

I think they would have to impose sanctions. I think they have some obligations arising from the membership process to adapt to the European Union and this is a discussion they are having with Europe. I encourage them to do so.

Will you open this discussion with President Vucic if you visit Belgrade?

Yes, there is an ongoing conversation with President Vucic about regional initiatives, world stability and European territorial integrity. And, I must say, we don't have very different views on what is happening in Ukraine.

To what extent is Russian influence in the Balkans, especially in Serbia, which is the reason for instability in at least three Balkan states?

I must say that it is an important factor. There are clear collaborators of Russia working in the political systems of at least three countries. There is massive Russian disinformation in the information sphere throughout the region. I have to say that Russia should not bring solutions, it should only create problems to advance its agenda. Therefore, we must be vigilant and fight against this evil influence wherever and whenever we see it.

How do you assess the region's response to this behavior of Russia?

The region has largely responded positively. Every country in the Western Balkans voted to condemn Russian aggression in Ukraine. Every one of them. Each of them offered some kind of help to Ukrainians fleeing the violence. And every country in the Western Balkans recognizes, and at least respects, the measures introduced by Europe.

Do you support the Prime Minister of Montenegro, Dritan Abazovic, to sign Montenegro's membership in the Open Balkans in the coming days?

Our position regarding the Open Balkans is very clear, we support all initiatives for regional economic integration, with two conditions. First, to bring you closer to Europe and not contradict your European obligations, be it the Berlin Process or any EU-led initiative. And secondly, to enable all the countries of the Western Balkans to join the initiatives as full members. So far, the Open Balkans qualifies in these two categories. If it does not comply with either of these two conditions, we will absolutely withdraw our support for the Open Balkans.

It seems that there is no support for this issue in the Parliament of Montenegro. Do you think that this could affect the further destabilization of this country?

I don't think so, because to be clear, the Open Balkans initiative benefits from the existing trends of regional integration. And Covid accelerated this integration in the region, because people couldn't travel by plane, they traveled by car, they traveled more by car in the region. You saw Serbs going to the Albanian coast, you saw Albanian businessmen who do more business in Belgrade, go there to get vaccinated. You have seen the very important energy and transport links between North Macedonia and the rest of the region. So this is already happening. The question is how best to build momentum to remove barriers to free trade. Therefore, whether it is the Berlin Process, the Open Balkans, CEFTA, the Council for Regional Cooperation or the Regional Common Market, we support them all.