Pistorius: I am concerned, Germany has been sending additional forces to Kosovo since April

Minister of Defense of Germany, Boris Pistorius, stated that he was concerned about the situation in the Western Balkans in recent months, which had been marked by tensions on several occasions, and that this region in the heart of Europe, not far from Germany, required Berlin's attention, announcing that from April, the German KFOR contingent would consist of 250 personnel, instead of the current approximately 70.

Pistorius in an interview for Blic also highlighted that the normalization of relations between Serbia and Kosovo was the first step towards a positive future, pointing out that, as in any conflict, blame was never solely on one side and that he told everyone he spoke to in the region that provocations were never helpful.

Regarding the abolition of the dinar, he said that the Serbian population in Kosovo, especially in the north, still depended on the use of the Serbian dinar, and that change took time, and dialogue was needed to find a solution and avoid escalation due to hasty actions.

Is there any reason for your visit to the Western Balkans at this time, and how do you assess the security situation in this region?

One of the focal points of our international crisis management is the Western Balkans. Therefore, it is important for me to gain personal insights into the work of our soldiers in operational contingents in Kosovo and Bosnia and Herzegovina. I want to show our soldiers that Germany supports them and that their mission is of great importance to us. At the same time, it is important for me to gain a comprehensive picture of the situation on the ground, in direct contact with the people. That is why I have decided to visit Serbia on this trip and hold talks with officials here. My goal is to better understand the viewpoints of all actors in the region. To be honest, I am concerned that the situation in the Western Balkans has been marked by tensions on several occasions in recent months. This important region in the heart of Europe, not far from Germany, requires our attention. Let's be clear, we want to contribute to stability in the region. We want to support the region and, in perspective, closely monitor its path towards the European Union. In principle, the situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo is currently calm. However, especially in Kosovo, it is still susceptible to short-term escalations, as demonstrated in the past year. But also in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the situation can escalate due to provocative rhetoric and provocative actions by certain politicians. Therefore, together with our partners, we closely monitor the situation and are able to react quickly, as we demonstrated at the end of last year.

How do you see the current relationship between Belgrade and Pristina and where do you see a solution, considering the constant tensions that, according to the impression of a part of the Serbian public, are constantly increasing due to provocations from Pristina?

The situation in the region remains complex and sometimes tense due to various deeply rooted and partly historical conflicts. The relationship between the two countries is developing slowly. The dialogue on normalization under the auspices of the EU continues to provide new impetus but, unfortunately, does not achieve a lasting breakthrough. Progress is often blocked due to deeply ingrained mistrust. On the one hand, this is understandable because not all scars of the past have yet healed. On the other hand, progress cannot be achieved without mutual rapprochement and trust. In my opinion, normalization of relations is the first step towards a positive future. As in any conflict, blame is never solely on one side. Both sides need to reconsider their entrenched positions. I make it clear to everyone I talk to on my journey that provocations are never helpful. It's about all parties taking a step forward and sending visible signs of readiness for compromise.

The German Government reacted a few days ago to Pristina's latest plans to introduce the euro as the sole currency in Kosovo, noting that it could have far-reaching consequences. What do you say, and what can be expected?

Two viewpoints clashed here: on the one hand, the regulation represents the implementation of the Kosovo Constitution, and on the other hand, the Serbian Constitution envisages the dinar as the only means of payment. I understand that the Serbian population, especially in northern Kosovo, still relies on the use of the Serbian dinar. Change takes time. And that time should be given, to come to a solution through dialogue. I believe this conflict also needs to be resolved at the negotiating table within the framework of the EU-mediated peace dialogue. Until then, escalation due to hasty action must be avoided.

It has been discussed that Germany could reinforce its troops within the framework of KFOR in Kosovo and Metohija. Is that still the idea, will it happen, and if so, what led to such a decision?

We have informed NATO that we are ready to increase our engagement to be able to react flexibly to escalations in a situation like the one on September 24th. I stand by my word. From April this year, we will send additional forces of the size of a platoon and the necessary support forces to Kosovo. This significantly increases our contingent from the current approximately 70 soldiers to around 250. At the same time, it is important to emphasize that the military can contribute to a solution, but cannot achieve it alone. We must succeed in stabilizing the situation in the long term through an integrated security approach. I also clearly emphasize this in my conversations during this trip.

Some time ago, the European public, including us here, heard a worrying forecast from you - that a Russian attack on NATO is possible within five to eight years. What is the basis for that claim?

A revisionist and aggressive Russia, as we see today after two years of war in Ukraine, is ready for anything. Unfortunately, we see no indications that Russia is abandoning its aggressive, neo-imperial policy. On the contrary, we perceive increased threatening rhetoric from Moscow directed against the West, which, for example, questions the independence of the Baltic states. We must expect that Moscow will compensate for its losses in Ukraine within five to eight years. Putin is also making efforts to accelerate the expansion of the armed forces. Large parts of the economy have been shifted to a war economy. In this situation, we, NATO allies, have shown that we are united. We take every threat seriously and we are ready. One thing is clear: we will defend every inch of our territory in the event of an attack.

Serbia is not a NATO member and is militarily neutral. What do you think about the concept of neutrality in current geopolitical relations?

Neutrality does not mean that a state is unable to defend itself. When it comes to Serbia, we see an increasing orientation towards the West in terms of weapon systems and equipment - whether it's Airbus H145 helicopters, of which Serbia now has a sizable fleet, or French communication devices like "Tales". We welcome this orientation and would like to continue supporting Serbia in building its combat capabilities to enhance its own defense readiness. However, it is also clear that our efforts would be significantly facilitated if the dialogue on normalization in the region progressed more rapidly.

What do you predict regarding Russian aggression in Ukraine? You announced that Germany would expand aid to Kyiv, but at the same time, some countries, like the USA, seem to be reducing their engagement and shifting focus to other parts of the world?

Putin is playing for time. He evidently believes that those who support Ukraine will tire and that we will therefore falter and give in. He is mistaken if he thinks so. We will not falter. We in Germany support this with numbers and deeds. We must make it clear to the aggressor - especially in Europe - that he cannot simply shift borders by using force. If we do not stop this aggressive behavior, we must expect that Putin will attack other countries in the future. Therefore, we must prevent revisionists and other autocrats from seeing this as an encouragement to question the sovereignty of weaker states. Otherwise, it will have a negative impact on the existing international order. With all this in mind, our partners and we are united - we will support Ukraine for as long as necessary. Germany has increased its budget for supporting Ukraine to over seven billion euros this year to provide more material and, above all, urgently needed ammunition. We are training Ukrainian soldiers. And we are helping to increase the readiness of Ukrainians - with the help of our "Capability Coalition". I also support the appeal of our Chancellor to our European partners to do even more for Ukraine.

You spoke about the possibility of reintroducing mandatory military service in Germany, and a similar debate is ongoing in Serbia. What would be the arguments for and against?

Currently, we are considering - with an open outlook on the outcome - whether general civilian service or even mandatory military service in Germany would make sense. Alternatively, we are also considering the possibility of calling up all members of the same generation for conscription, and then asking them if they are interested in joining the Bundeswehr - for voluntary basic training or as a soldier for a limited period. One important question in this regard is whether we can achieve a stronger integration of the Bundeswehr into society. It must be clear to us that the security of our country cannot be taken for granted, and that we need highly trained and well-equipped soldiers. I understand that the introduction of general civilian service or general mandatory military service would deeply impact the lives of young people. Therefore, such a measure must be carefully considered and justified. Suggestions from politicians as well as broad societal debate are needed for this.