Montgomery: The best solution for Kosovo is one that separates ethnic groups

After two decades of retirement and observing events from a distance, former U.S. Ambassador to Belgrade William Montgomery stated in a Kosovo Online podcast that the best solution for Kosovo would be one that separates ethnic groups rather than insisting on the coexistence of Serbs and Albanians. He believes that Kosovo’s Prime Minister, Albin Kurti, has two goals—either to ethnically cleanse Kosovo or to provoke Belgrade into reacting. Montgomery expects progress in solving the issue from Donald Trump, as Trump has not formed an opinion on Serbia based on the 1990s, unlike much of the American administration.

If he were actively engaged in the Kosovo issue today, Montgomery said he would halt the dialogue.

"I would insist on concrete steps to resolve the issue. Instead of dialogue, I would demand the implementation of what has already been agreed upon. The U.S. provides enormous support to Kosovo through votes at the UN, financial aid, and military presence. We have many ways to exert pressure. In the short term, I would insist on the formation of the Association of Serb Municipalities and the implementation of all obligations from previous agreements. The dialogue should not continue until these matters are resolved," Montgomery stated.

Discussing the post-election crisis, Montgomery said he does not know who will form the new Kosovo government but believes that Serbs should participate if given the opportunity. He also revealed that he is writing a new book about his rich diplomatic career, with two of the most important chapters dedicated to Serbia and Croatia.

Montgomery noted that he does not need a formal welcome when arriving in Belgrade since he is a frequent visitor, and a glass of wine is enough. After decades spent in the Balkans, he only realizes he has become a Balkanac (a Balkan-like person) when he returns to the U.S.

Comparing Croats and Serbs, he pointed out significant differences.

"Serbs are more open; they don’t hesitate to approach me. Even construction workers talk to me—‘Montgomery, why did you do this or that?’ Croats are more reserved. They might notice me, but they don’t say anything; they simply have a different approach," said the American diplomat.

He acknowledged that many of Kosovo’s current challenges stem from the West’s mistakes, but said it would take hours to explain the biggest one.

"America is proud of being a multicultural society, which, despite its flaws, is one of our greatest strengths. Unfortunately, we believe that all countries should be like this. This belief guided our actions when overthrowing the Iraqi government, during our intervention in Kosovo, and in our role in Bosnia—the key point we emphasized in all three cases was the need for a strong multicultural society. But what we failed to understand or accept is that in many countries, especially in this region, ethnicity is the primary concern. It has been the main cause of violence for decades and centuries," Montgomery explained.

From this perspective, he believes a better solution would be one that separates ethnic groups rather than insisting on coexistence.

"And I think if you look at Kosovo and Bosnia today, 25 or 30 years after the conflicts ended, the situation remains unresolved because there was no separation of ethnic groups. And that’s a difficult thing to say to Americans because they strongly believe in the opposite. But I think that is the root of the problem," Montgomery said.

He reminded that the U.S. initiated the bombing of Yugoslavia but then left the resolution of the Kosovo issue to the European Union.

"And how many years has the EU been mediating the dialogue? 10, 15 years? That absolutely drives me crazy. Why? Because the EU only uses words. It has no teeth. This dialogue has been extremely unsuccessful. And I think it’s because they were given an almost impossible task—to create a multiethnic society."

The result, he said, is Kurti’s constant provocations, whether through bans on Serbian goods or shutting down institutions.

"The fact is that the Albanian side agreed to form the Association of Serb Municipalities in 2013, yet Kurti refuses to implement it. And the EU simply says, ‘We’re so sorry.’ They have no teeth. They allow him to get away with such things without any consequences. That is the EU’s problem, but also a problem we created when we allowed this system to be established in Kosovo. I think the EU has a strong economy, but it has never successfully developed political power equivalent to its economic strength. But again, we dumped this problem on them instead of handling it ourselves. So we are to blame," Montgomery stated.

He emphasized that Kurti has two objectives:

"Either he wants to ethnically cleanse Kosovo by making life so unbearable for Serbs that they leave, which I believe is already happening to some extent. Or, he hopes to provoke your government into reacting against some of these actions. Then, once again, Kosovo Albanians can claim to be victims and demand international assistance, saying, ‘Look at what the Serbs are doing to us,’" Montgomery explained.

Unlike the EU, from which he expects nothing, Montgomery sees potential progress in the Belgrade–Pristina dialogue under Donald Trump.

"To be honest, the U.S. foreign policy establishment currently in power—people my age and even younger—began their careers around 1990 when the wars in Croatia and Bosnia were escalating. They formed their views on this region and its countries at that time and have stuck to them ever since. Back then, they saw Albanians as victims, and they still do. They saw Serbia as the aggressor. This includes President Biden as well. When a new government was formed in Serbia after Milosevic's fall, Biden visited and was completely arrogant toward them," Montgomery said.

"That’s why I hope Trump does not belong to that school of thought, that he does not have pre-established opinions. Maybe he will choose to do something different—I don’t know. I haven’t had contact with Trump or his team, but I would say something must be done to bring this issue to a close. We cannot have a Bosnia where, in a way, a colonial governor rules, or a Kosovo in a state that could erupt into violence at any moment. We must get out of this situation and be willing to seek radical solutions," Montgomery stated.

If he were actively engaged in the Kosovo issue today, he reiterated that he would halt the dialogue.

"I wouldn’t hold any more talks; I would insist on concrete steps to resolve the issue. Instead of dialogue, I would demand the implementation of what has already been agreed upon. As an ambassador, I couldn’t do this, but the President of the United States could. The U.S. provides massive support to Kosovo through UN votes, financial aid, and military presence. We have many ways to apply pressure. In the short term, I would insist on forming the Association of Serb Municipalities and enforcing all prior agreements. The dialogue should not continue until these matters are resolved. I would also advocate for the U.S. to lead the dialogue instead of the EU, as the EU has shown over 20 years that it is incapable of implementing concrete measures," Montgomery said.

He pointed out that UN Resolution 1244 was never fully implemented because the U.S. respects only the parts of agreements that suit its interests.

"Look at Resolution 1244—it explicitly recognizes the sovereignty of Yugoslavia. It also states that, in the future, Serbian security forces should be allowed to protect cultural monuments and monasteries in Kosovo. These provisions were never fulfilled. Yugoslavia’s sovereignty was not respected, and no Serbian forces were allowed back. That’s why you shouldn’t rely on Resolution 1244—whether it’s UN Security Council Resolution 1244 on Kosovo or the Dayton Agreement, we choose to honor only the parts that suit us," the former ambassador concluded.

Montgomery Says He Could Predict the Course of Events in Kosovo

"First of all, I have quite a history with Kosovo because, in the early 1990s, I was the chief of staff to the Deputy Secretary of State and later to the Secretary, Larry Eagleburger. And he was the main person handling our approach to these issues at the time. What is very interesting is that while all the fighting was happening in Bosnia and Croatia, we were always focused on Kosovo. Why? Because, as bad as things were in Bosnia and Croatia—and they were terrible—the fighting was completely contained within those two places. But if you look at Kosovo, if fighting had started there, considering its history, many neighboring countries could have been drawn into the conflict beyond the borders of Yugoslavia. I mean, if you look at history—Bulgaria, Macedonia, Montenegro, even Greece—they all had an interest in Kosovo over the past 100 years. So this war could have spread significantly. That is why we were always focused on Kosovo," said the American diplomat.

In the podcast, he displayed the first page of a dispatch sent to the State Department in 1992 from the U.S. Embassy in Belgrade.

"It was about the situation in Kosovo, right when all the violence was happening in Bosnia and Croatia. My job was to screen all incoming dispatches, decide which ones the Deputy Secretary would see, and highlight key sentences in yellow. Sometimes, I would write something at the top. And I wrote—‘Kosovo, a big problem for the Clinton administration, a great excuse for the Bush administration to avoid action in Bosnia.’ Eagleburger wrote back to me—‘I’ve had enough of this, stop.’"

He recalled that in the early 1990s, the U.S. tried to influence Slobodan Milosevic and his treatment of Kosovo Albanians.

"We instructed our ambassador in Belgrade to go in, request a one-on-one meeting with Milosevic, say nothing to him, and simply hand him a piece of paper. And on that paper, it was written—‘If there is any violence in Kosovo, the United States will use whatever is necessary, including military force, to stop it.’ And in fact, there was no violence at that time," Montgomery said.

He noted that with the arrival of a new U.S. administration a few years later, the KLA (Kosovo Liberation Army) emerged because Albanians had grown tired of Rugova’s policy of non-violent resistance. He believes that the future of Serbs in Kosovo entirely depends on the government in Pristina. There is, he said, no ideal solution for the future of both communities, but he would not rule out the possibility of Kosovo’s partition.

Speaking about the post-election crisis, he said he does not know who will form the new Kosovo government, but he believes that Serbs should participate if given the opportunity.

He also commented on the TV series Sablja, in which his character appears in a cameo role in the final episodes. While he does not deny that it is an artistic interpretation, he believes that several important factors were omitted from the series.

"I think it’s a wonderful production by Čeda Jovanovic and Beba Popovic. They did a great job portraying themselves as the heroes of Operation Sablja, and that makes me angry. And no, I never had such a scene in real life," Montgomery responded.

The former U.S. ambassador stated that he is finishing a new book about his entire diplomatic career.

"It will have a chapter on each of my postings, starting with my first in Belgrade in 1975, all the way to my last, also in Belgrade, and my departure in 2004. And my wife Lynn will write her own commentary on each section, sharing her perspective on her experiences. So, we’ve completed a draft, and now we hope it will be published," he revealed in the podcast.

He noted that the chapters on Serbia and Croatia are by far the longest because they cover the most important part of his career and because this is the region he knows best. He expects that the book will generate the most interest in Serbia and Croatia, at least among those who consider events from more than 20 years ago relevant to understanding the present day.

You can watch the full conversation between William Montgomery and Dragan Biberovic in the video attached.