What is promised in the campaign, and what interests the voters?

The Self-Determination Movement, which expects to remain in power in Kosovo even after the February 9 elections, primarily advocates to voters through nationalist rhetoric in its campaign, while opposition parties focus on economic issues and criticisms of the current government's performance, analysts observe. Both sides' promises, according to commentators at Kosovo Online, are not particularly convincing, and what most concerns citizens is what is being offered on the socio-economic front.
Written by: Dusica Radeka Djordjevic
The election campaign is halfway through, expected to intensify further, and there have already been reported cases of politically motivated hate speech. What are the parties promising citizens in this atmosphere?
Leader of the Self-Determination Movement Albin Kurti announces further investments in defense capabilities, investments in transport and sports infrastructure, but prioritizes what has been achieved during his government, including the integration of the north and the dissolution of "parallel Serbian structures."
On the other hand, the Democratic Party of Kosovo boasts achievements in Pristina under the leadership of their mayor, Perparim Rama. Bedri Hamza, the Democratic Party of Kosovo's candidate for prime minister, has pledged to increase salaries and improve the business climate if his government wins the election, while the candidate for prime minister from the Alliance for the Future of Kosovo, Ramush Haradinaj, promises to transform Kosovo into an energy superpower.
Are all these promises achievable?
Assistant Professor at the Faculty of Political Sciences in Belgrade, Stefan Surlic, believes that the government and opposition in Kosovo are competing with unrealistic promises concerning large expenditures for socially vulnerable groups, major investments, and policy changes towards healthcare and education.
"There are systemic problems that cannot be easily solved, and I think that Albin Kurti, realizing he cannot tackle corruption, crime, and fundamental social issues, has played the card of the north and talked about sovereignty and greater armament, counting on nationalist rhetoric to enable Self-Determination to win again and secure more votes than all the other opposition parties combined," Surlic stated for Kosovo Online. The Self-Determination campaign, he notes, is focused on the north and based on what they have achieved, which "no other political option has done in the past."
"They have consolidated sovereignty over the entire territory of Kosovo, especially in the northern municipalities with a Serbian majority, prevented any smuggling, illegal trade, and, as they say, abolished parallel institutions across the entire territory of Kosovo... This is not the only topic, although it dominates and will probably influence many voters who are nationalist-oriented," assesses Surlic.
On the other hand, he adds, the Self-Determination Movement still wants to present itself as a socially sensitive group of people who, through inclusive policies, progressive taxation, and a special assistance system, aim to achieve greater social justice in Kosovo.
"It sounds like an unrealistic and unachievable policy because the results in fighting corruption and in achieving a better social program that Self-Determination has achieved have been very modest. There are also usual promises, such as reducing unemployment, assisting the most vulnerable, even creating a development bank that would help key sectors. In Albin Kurti's statements, the security context also dominates - he will continue to invest heavily in the arms sector, claiming that Kosovo is now much safer," Surlic states.
Regarding the opposition parties, our interlocutor says that in their campaign they mainly criticize the rule of Self-Determination and talk about how they will achieve better economic results and that corruption has become even more entrenched during Albin Kurti's rule, that inflation has devoured all possible increases that Self-Determination achieved during its rule, and that unreasonable policies are being led, both domestically and internationally.
"They are very reserved when it comes to the north of Kosovo and actually no opposition party sharply attacks Albin Kurti's policy. They welcome the absence of parallel institutions, the stronger presence of police in the north of Kosovo, the absence of what they call criminal structures, but say that this should have been implemented in greater coordination with American and European partners. They criticize the radical approach that Albin Kurti has, believing that it has caused more foreign policy damage to Pristina than benefits with all these steps taken towards the Serbian community. So we can say that there is some consensus between the government and opposition about actions in the north of Kosovo and other areas where there is a Serbian majority population," Surlic points out.
Based on the current course of the campaign, according to Marko Milenkovic from the NGO "New Social Initiative," it seems that Self-Determination does not have many promises related to the living conditions of citizens, but rather that the focus of this party is on a nationalist campaign.
"At Self-Determination, we have rhetoric about additional investments in defense and the military, namely about investments concerning security issues, but not those of an economic nature and economy. The rhetoric is such that Kurti and other leaders position themselves as protectors of the citizens of Kosovo, presenting Serbia as the enemy, and Self-Determination as an actor in the political sphere who can protect the citizens of Kosovo from Serbia. Hence the campaign that is largely conducted in the north. Questions of economic development are somewhat mentioned, but they are also in the spirit of nationalist engagement, achieving sovereignty, and similar," Milenkovic said for Kosovo online.
As for the opposition, our interlocutor notes that it is focused on economic issues, infrastructure investments, salary increases, and promises to enhance cooperation in international relations, primarily coming from the party of Ramush Haradinaj.
"These promises in the economic sphere given by opposition politicians so far seem unconvincing, in some segments even unrealistic. The current situation regarding economic development will require more complex steps because it is not simple to increase salaries. A more comprehensive and different approach is needed. The opposition tries to touch on the daily problems of citizens and to put itself at their service by promising to improve the economic situation and life. How much the citizens will see this as realistic, I am not sure. However, it seems that the opposition engages a significant number of potential voters at their gatherings," Milenkovic noted.
In the coming period, according to his assessment, the campaign will intensify.
"We could even expect some nationalist reactions from opposition parties and rhetoric that might resemble that of Self-Determination as a mechanism to engage the voter base that Self-Determination gathers, also by the opposition," Milenkovic pointed out.
Asked what is crucial for citizens in Kosovo when deciding in elections, whether economic issues or themes related to the north of Kosovo, university professor from Pristina Mazlum Baraliu told Kosovo online that it is primarily the socio-economic situation. Following that, issues concerning the north or south of Kosovo come next.
Baraliu observes that the ruling Self-Determination does not have a written program for the elections, but highlights certain issues during the campaign. As for the opposition, he believes it has not been capable enough over the past four years to play a decisive role or to impose some corrective issues or decisions.
"The opposition could only disrupt some assembly sessions and nothing more than that," Baraliu states.
He notes that on the international stage, Kosovo's Prime Minister Albin Kurti has accepted the latest agreement from the dialogue in Brussels, but ahead of the elections, Self-Determination has not yet publicly expressed a stance on this.
"Just as Serbia strategically plays the political game, so does he, it seems, verbally acknowledge, but then asks for a signature, and then says he will not send the proposal for the statute of the Association to the Constitutional Court. Thus, a game is being played both by Pristina and Belgrade," Baraliu explains.
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