Sljuka: Self-Determination is likely to appoint a Deputy Speaker from the Serb List unless it acts self-destructively

Aleksandar Sljuka, an associate of the NGO Nova drustvena inicijativa, told Kosovo Online that, unless Self-Determination Movement acts in a completely self-destructive manner, it is likely—given the urgency to form institutions—that a compromise will be reached at least at the level of political communication. In that case, a candidate proposed by the Serb List would be elected as Deputy Speaker of the Assembly, in order to comply with the decision of the Constitutional Court of Kosovo and the Constitution of Kosovo.

Sljuka notes that it will certainly be difficult for Self-Determination to appoint anyone coming from the ranks of the Serb List. However, following the Constitutional Court’s ruling on the election of a Deputy Speaker from the Serbian community, Self-Determination’s room for maneuver has been significantly narrowed, making it more difficult for the party to once again appoint Nenad Rasic to that position.
As he emphasizes, the Constitutional Court clearly stated that the previous election of the Serbian Deputy Speaker was not in accordance with the Constitution. Until now, Sljuka adds, Self-Determination’s practice has been to seek quasi-legal methods to carry out actions that have had a negative impact on the Serbian community.
“They must form institutions as soon as possible because of tight deadlines, primarily in the context of electing the President of Kosovo, in order to avoid new elections that could introduce a different political dynamic. Self-Determination is currently in a favorable position, having achieved a significantly better result than in the February elections last year, and they likely wish to preserve that advantage and form institutions on the basis of the stronger position they now hold,” Sljuka assesses.

When it comes to the appointment of a minister from the Serbian community, Sljuka explains that the Prime Minister-designate should hold consultations with parties representing the Serbian community, which includes the Serb List. During those consultations, the Serb List would be expected to propose a candidate for the ministerial post representing the Serbian community.
“The Prime Minister-designate is not obliged to accept that proposal. They may claim that consultations were held, or conduct them in a somewhat perfunctory manner, so that there is no formal meeting with media coverage, which could potentially harm both sides. This could take place in written form or through a more alternative and creative format, allowing the consultations to be considered fulfilled, while ultimately appointing someone else. If a Deputy Speaker of the Assembly from the ranks of the Serb List is appointed, it is possible that Rasic would then assume the post reserved for the minister from the Serbian community,” Sljuka says.

If the candidate for the minister from the Serbian community were to come from outside parliament, Sljuka concludes, that individual would first have to be confirmed by the Assembly, primarily by representatives of non-majority communities—something that, in this case, would be impossible to secure.