Albanian mayors in the North elected two years ago: What will their mandates be remembered for?

Taking down Serbian flags from municipal buildings, joining the Association of Kosovo Municipalities, governing in line with the interests of the central government in Pristina rather than the needs of the majority Serbian population... Two years after the local elections in the northern municipalities—elections boycotted by Serbs, after which Albanian mayors took office in North Mitrovica, Zvecan, Leposavic, and Zubin Potok—analysts are reflecting on how their mandates will be remembered. Alongside decisions perceived as provocations against Serbs, there were, they say, also attempts to court the local population.

Written by: Dusica Radeka Djordjevic

“There were a few minor things the mayors did for the citizens, but they are negligible compared to the general feeling of insecurity and pressure,” said a resident of North Mitrovica to Kosovo Online reporters.

“My granddaughter was fined 500 euros just for listening to music in the car. That doesn’t happen anywhere else, only here,” he added.

It is also rare for someone to come to power with only 1% of the electorate voting for them, which is why these mayors were often labeled illegitimate from day one. After the 2023 elections, the Quint also stated that the results were not a long-term political solution for the four northern municipalities. However, new elections have not yet taken place.

According to data from the Central Election Commission, on the day of the elections exactly two years ago, only 1,567 voters cast their ballots out of 45,000 eligible voters in the four municipalities—just 3.47%. In Leposavic, 141 voters cast ballots (1.06%), in Zubin Potok 385 (5.78%), in Zvecan 204 (2.92%), and in North Mitrovica 837 (4.62%).

Erden Atic from Self-Determination became mayor of North Mitrovica, and Lulzim Hetemi, also from Self-Determination, became mayor of Leposavic. Iljir Peci and Izmir Zeqiri from the Democratic Party of Kosovo assumed mayoral posts in Zvecan and Zubin Potok, respectively.

Journalist Lazar Stevic from North Mitrovica told Kosovo Online that the Albanian mayors in all four northern municipalities did nothing for the Serbian community, which constitutes the majority in these areas.

“Every decision they made over the past two years has only harmed the Serbs living in these municipalities and gone against the wishes of the Serbian population. They took down flags, painted over graffiti featuring Serbian flags, and redesigned public squares using colors that are not our national symbols. Every decision was an imposition of their will and desires against the wishes of the majority Serbian population,” Stevic said, adding that roads were paved in Bosnjacka Mahala and other areas where Albanians live.

He pointed out that the most disturbing move for Serbs in North Mitrovica was the decision to open the bridge over the Ibar, which the Serbs immediately opposed.

“This led to a large protest near the main bridge, where Serbs self-organized, voted, and overwhelmingly decided the bridge should not be opened. They appealed to the international community to prevent it from happening, as there was no need to open the bridge at a time when interethnic tensions were escalating daily. Fortunately, KFOR responded appropriately and did not allow the bridge to be opened,” he said.

Stevic also noted there were attempts by Albanian mayors to reach out to the Serbian community, but the Serbs remained steadfast, knowing these mayors had come to power illegitimately, and that it had long been the ambition of Self-Determination and Albin Kurti to take over the northern municipalities.

He added that following the April 23, 2023 elections, where turnout was low due to a Serbian boycott, the international community responded mildly, while the Serbs had expected a stronger reaction that would finally recognize their situation.

“What lies ahead for the Serbs now are new local elections, and they must participate however they can and remain united so we can finally take back control. It’s unacceptable for 3 or 3.5% to make decisions for 97% of the people in the north. We must make decisions about our future and our lives the right way,” Stevic concluded.

According to political scientist Ognjen Gogic, the Albanian mayors have exercised their mandates with limited capacity, as local administrations never established the necessary staffing after Serbs resigned from municipal services. Except for North Mitrovica, they often hesitated to take actions they knew would provoke the majority Serbian population.

He described North Mitrovica as the most controversial in terms of decisions made not only by the mayor but also by the municipal assembly.

“They made decisions that met with local resistance—particularly in handing over municipal properties to central government institutions, such as buildings transferred to the Kosovo Ministry of Internal Affairs, despite opposition from Serbs. All municipalities also took symbolic steps, like changing emblems, flags, and crests on their buildings, which irritated the local population. On the other hand, these municipalities also tried to appease both the local population and the Western international community by distributing social aid and financial support to various demographic groups, as a show of goodwill,” Gogic said.

He added that in North Mitrovica, there were also decisions related to public order and infrastructure projects that drew mixed reactions—some welcomed, others seen as provocations, such as redefined rules for hospitality and trade, or decisions on traffic infrastructure.

“In the first year, Serbs showed visible dissatisfaction with having Albanian mayors. In the second year, after the referendum that Serbs boycotted, this reaction was less visible. They have learned to live with it,” said Gogic, adding that these local governments never functioned properly—not when Serbs were in charge, nor afterward.

That’s why, he said, when local leadership changes following the expected October elections, serious efforts must be made to build both human and technical capacities in local administrations to serve the citizens effectively.

According to Milos Pavkovic of the Center for European Policy in Belgrade, the ethnic Albanian mayors in the past two years showed no regard for the majority Serbian community in northern Kosovo and instead acted unilaterally in line with the central government.

He said their actions clearly demonstrated hostility toward the Serbian community.

“Some examples include signing initiatives to join the Association of Albanian Municipalities, appointing notaries exclusively of Albanian ethnicity, and ignoring the initiative to hold snap local elections to replace the mayors. All of this shows that these mayors did not represent the spirit and will of the people, but were there merely to fill a political vacuum and provoke the Serbian community as much as possible. They had no legitimacy and worked exclusively with the central government, disregarding the wishes and needs of the local majority,” Pavkovic told Kosovo Online.

Considering new local elections are expected in the fall, he said that if the Serbian community participates, the current mayors will almost certainly be replaced. However, it remains questionable whether the decisions made over the past two years in the four municipalities can be overturned.

“I assume some can be reversed, but others cannot. There will be resistance from the central authorities, but that’s a question for a later phase—after the local elections and if we have potentially new mayors in these municipalities,” Pavkovic concluded.

As the new local elections approach, political analyst Ognjen Gogic notes that parties from the Albanian and Bosniak communities will certainly continue to mobilize their supporters, aiming to retain power or maintain significant representation in the municipal assemblies of northern Kosovo.

"Regardless of the demographic majority that Serbs hold in these municipalities, it will not be easy to reclaim power, especially if they are divided and participate through multiple electoral lists. On the other hand, a number of individuals from the Albanian and Bosniak communities—who did not previously reside there—have been registering their residence in these municipalities. This is a legitimate process and cannot be prevented if they have a legal basis for registration, but it contributes to changing the demographic structure of these areas. There will be a strong push to bring these groups out to vote, and in North Mitrovica, these communities—Albanian, Bosniak, and even Roma—have proven to be politically active. Therefore, the Serbs will have to take the process of returning to the institutions very seriously," Gogic stated.

The April 23, 2023 elections were called after Serbian political representatives withdrew from Kosovo institutions in November 2022. This withdrawal was a reaction to violations of the rights of Serbs and breaches of the agreements reached in the Belgrade-Pristina dialogue. The immediate trigger was Pristina’s decision to suspend Nenad Djuric, the Director of the Regional Police Directorate North, after he refused to issue warnings to fellow Serbs driving vehicles with KM (Kosovska Mitrovica) license plates.