Armor is not in fashion: How do foreign media report on Kosovo?

Danielle Sheridan, editor of the British Telegraph, has stirred up unpleasant memories from the late 1990s, a time marked not only by conflicts in Kosovo but also by a media war. "We came to Kosovo to determine if the next major conflict in Europe could happen here," Sheridan stated, dressed in a bulletproof vest and camouflage, sporting sunglasses instead of the expected helmet. Whether it’s a case of poor sensationalism or simply a fashion faux pas, applause was lacking.

The article mentions that Kosovo has heightened security due to growing fears of a Serbian invasion with the aid of its ally Vladimir Putin, an event seemingly imminent based on the choice of attire.

Even the former Foreign Minister of Kosovo, Petrit Selimi, reacted by noting that the bulletproof vest and camouflage were unnecessary, and statistically, Kosovo is safer than London.

Those who follow foreign media and report from other countries told Kosovo Online that very few journalists understand the Balkans, and Kosovo is rarely written about. A lack of knowledge often hides behind the narrative of a "malign Russian influence using Serbia to destabilize the Balkans."

The role of the media in contributing to destabilization by broadcasting incendiary messages can best be learned from history, not so distant at that. Fortunately, the Telegraph's reporting is an exception, not part of a widespread media hysteria.

British media rarely report on Kosovo and the Balkans in general, except in cases of dramatic events, BBC journalist Dejan Radojevic told Kosovo Online, reminding that the tumultuous 1990s and wars have passed, and now other international events are far more dramatic than what’s happening in the Balkans.

"There are exceptions, such as when something dramatic happens in Kosovo or the rest of the Balkans, like last year's violence when Albanian mayors took over buildings in four municipalities with a Serbian majority population in northern Kosovo, leading to dramatic scenes of conflict," our interlocutor notes.

He adds that occasionally, since the war in Ukraine began, articles emerge warning that Russia is attempting to destabilize the Balkans through Serbia.

"This primarily comes from the Government of Kosovo, from Prime Minister Albin Kurti and President Osmani. They express fears and warnings that Serbia could send troops to Kosovo, mainly under the influence of Russia, as it is in Russia's interest to destabilize another part of Europe alongside Ukraine," explains Radojevic.

Moreover, he reminds us that there has been a generational shift in newsrooms over the last 15-20 years.

"People who reported from the Balkans during the wars of the nineties and in the first few years of this century have either retired, or some are no longer with us. There is no longer the same expertise in newsrooms, if I can say that, not many people who know about the Balkans and understand it, and on the other hand, newsrooms are also under economic pressure," Radojevic assesses.

In Germany too, there are not many journalists who focus on the Balkans, so reporting on Kosovo is sporadic, says Nenad Radicevic, a journalist for Kosovo Online. However, he notes that some German media have participated in preparing the public for Pristina's attempt to gain membership in the Council of Europe.

"It can be said that this preparation for membership primarily aimed at ensuring that the European, particularly German public — perhaps more so the members of the Council of Europe — get the impression that in terms of principles, human rights and freedoms, and the rule of law, the authorities in Pristina are making significant progress," Radicevic explains.

He reminds us that there were originally three conditions for Kosovo's membership in the Council of Europe, but eventually, the focus shifted to fulfilling just one — returning the land to the Visoki Decani monastery.

"As part of that narrative, German media, in cooperation with some influential non-governmental institutes that have very good contacts with the local foreign ministry, created a somewhat positive story. First, an article would be published describing the significance of Visoki Decani and the injustice concerning the property. Then, over several days and weeks, it culminated in describing how Albin Kurti, albeit 'gritting his teeth,' eventually ordered the land registry to record the disputed property as belonging to the monastery. This was presented as a major positive story and a positive development," our interlocutor highlights.

This perspective suggests an attempt to justify German policy that initiated the story around Kosovo's membership in the Council of Europe, which includes a resolution on the genocide in Srebrenica that is expected to be adopted by the UN General Assembly, also initiated by Germany.

"In that sense, I couldn’t say that German journalists are now shaping public opinion, but rather they are painting a picture of the world that Germany would like to see. Perhaps it even has more influence on this, considering that the media in Serbia and the region often relay these reports. It might have more impact on how things are viewed in Serbia, rather than in Germany itself. And we are really talking about just a few journalists, as there are hardly any journalists who follow the Balkans, or whom you could say know anything about it," our interlocutor states.

The possible Russian influence on the Balkans is a common topic, especially in the context of Kosovo.

"In my opinion, that's a litmus test when you know that a journalist actually doesn't know about the topic, because the narrative that this is some Russian influence that will stir up and lead to conflicts in the region – that's what in journalism is called a 'sexy topic' that editors currently love in Western media, even when the situation on the ground does not give such an impression," Radicevic assesses.

Ljiljana Smajlovic, a journalist for Kosovo Online, assesses that Western media coverage of Serbia cannot be compared to the situation in the 1990s, but notes that the "old formula" remains and the general attitude has not changed, despite Serbia and the Kosovo issue no longer being at the top of the Western agenda.

She highlights two aspects of this old formula.

"Firstly, there's Balkanism; we are seen as Balkans, peoples who quickly regress into ancient hatreds and the like. The second constant is 'the Serbs committed genocide, they are genocidal maniacs, they are not like us.' We are the 'blacks of Europe,' and there is a sort of cultural racism in this. The general attitude has not changed. But what has changed is the fact that we are no longer a problem at the top of the agenda for the world's most important countries, we are no longer at the top of the Western agenda. So, if there starts to be writing about us, it's because someone's tangible interest prompts a newsroom to take an interest in us," our interlocutor explains.

Ljiljana Smajlovic suggests that Alicia Kearns might be the reason why British media occasionally take a harsher stance against Serbia. According to Smajlovic, Kearns likely influences journalists from her position on the foreign policy committee, sometimes directing someone in a specific direction since the region truly doesn't hold much interest anymore.

Smajlovic observes a condescending and oversimplified perspective from several individuals, professors, and experts from non-governmental organizations.

"There's Jasmin Mujanovic, very active on Twitter, where the formulas are the most oversimplified, all black and white. For example, he's a primary source for articles, even when not directly quoted. It's evident that he's the source and basis for the theses in those articles, like in the Telegraph, that Serbia is purchasing a huge number of Iranian drones, thus Serbia is dangerous, could attack Kosovo, already destabilizes Bosnia, and when you see that there's no investigative journalism behind it, not even data verification," warns Smajlovic.

Regarding American media, they are also uninterested in events here, except when it comes to settling scores with political opponents, such as the intense interest in the hotel owned by Trump's son-in-law.

"They aren’t interested in Belgrade, but they are very interested if Trump becomes president whether Grenell would be his Secretary of State. Everyone noticed that he's unusually favorable towards the Serbian side in the dispute for an American, and they look to use that angle to harm him, but I think it's not so much an anti-Serbian reflex as it is 'let's see if we have something on Grenell'," evaluates Smajlovic.

She also adds that in the German media, Michael Martens is an exception, who, as she says, truly knows the region well and understands the language.

"This president is not to his liking, now he'll show him, he'll take the FAZ where he works and turns FAZ into a missile against Serbia. And since no one in the editorial office is interested and since he currently knows more than any German journalist or group of journalists, he can be successful in this," she explains.

Zivojin Rakocevic, the president of the Journalists' Association of Serbia, expressed concern to Kosovo Online about the impact of certain Western media's coverage on the Balkans, specifically citing recent reporting by the British Telegraph on Kosovo as a potential catalyst in a volatile region. Rakocevic argues that the narratives conveyed by these media have historically shaped international perceptions and policies towards the Balkans, often with negative and sometimes tragic consequences for the region.

"Our experience tells us that it is fundamentally important how Western media view, represent, portray, and shape us in front of their politicians and their public. The images that have been sent from here have fundamentally determined our fate, the systems in which we live, and largely, charted the future of this area. From the images they sent, the reports, the texts they wrote from here, the fates of millions depended, and unfortunately, over the past few decades, this has mostly been negative and in many cases tragic for us. It turned out that falsified and false news were enough to trigger the bombs already attached to bombers to be dropped on us, making our lives look completely different," says Rakocevic.

He emphasizes that in today's digital age, where everyone can be a media creator and the consumption of images and media content has reached incredible levels, the representation of this region and the freedoms of individuals and groups in the media is extremely important. Rakocevic points out that many Western media outlets often align their narratives with the desires of their foreign ministries, and journalists are frequently tasked with fulfilling specific narrative orders from cities like Paris, London, Washington, and Moscow.

Rakocevic also comments on the image of a person in body armor in the hills of northern Kosovo, suggesting it serves as an ominous harbinger of misfortune and urging skepticism towards its portrayed truth. "No one can, nor should, forbid her from speaking, but her speech is actually one of the fuses on the barrel of Balkan gunpowder," he asserts.

He argues that the role of journalists is to steadfastly defend the truth and insist on it. "Or, perhaps even more importantly, to live in the heart of that truth, to always and always look at the other side, and to always and always allow the sanctity of dialogue into our life, our public space, our profession. Because the moment dialogue disappears, so does this profession. And the messages of Western media and the reporting of Western media have actually been a kind of abandonment of dialogue and a surrender to the bomb, force, and foreign policy," concludes Rakocevic.