LDK in Crisis: Can Abdixhiku hold on to the leadership, or is it time for a new face?

A series of disappointing election results suffered by the Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK) over several electoral cycles has triggered an internal crisis within the party and prompted calls from prominent members for the resignation of party leader Lumir Abdixhiku. As the LDK grapples with deep internal divisions, party officials are seeking those responsible for the poor electoral performance, particularly in light of unmet expectations that the return of former Kosovo President Vjosa Osmani would help revitalize the party. Political analysts told Kosovo Online that Abdixhiku lacks both a clear political vision and a coherent opposition strategy, arguing that he is not the leader capable of restoring the LDK's electoral strength and that internal reforms are urgently needed.

Written by: Milena Maksimovic

The final results of Kosovo's snap parliamentary elections showed that the Democratic League of Kosovo won 18 parliamentary seats, securing 135,567 votes, or 16.69 percent of the vote. The outcome confirmed that the LDK's political strategy and electoral platform were insufficient to regain the confidence of voters lost during previous election cycles.

The return of former Kosovo President Vjosa Osmani, who left the party five years ago, had been expected to inject new energy into the LDK and strengthen its position. However, her prospective nomination for the presidency had already divided party members before the elections. Following the disappointing election results, critics increasingly argue that her return deepened internal divisions rather than fostering greater unity.

Despite growing dissatisfaction within the party, Abdixhiku has shown no intention of stepping down. Although he offered his resignation after the party's December electoral setback—when LDK's support dropped from just over 170,000 votes in February of the previous year to approximately 126,000 votes—he survived a confidence vote at the party assembly in January.

At the same time, some analysts argue that it is paradoxical that LDK members have not rallied more strongly behind Pristina Mayor Përparim Rama, whom they regard as a politician capable of effectively challenging acting Prime Minister Albin Kurti.

Political observers also believe that the current divisions within the LDK primarily benefit Vetëvendosje leader Albin Kurti, who is waiting for the "weakest link" in order to reach a political agreement, although for now he appears largely indifferent to developments within Kosovo's third-largest political party.

International relations expert and former ambassador Shylj Ukshini believes that Lumir Abdixhiku's resignation, following the internal split that emerged within the LDK after the elections, would benefit both the party and the opposition as a whole. According to Ukshini, Abdixhiku lacks both a clear political vision and a coherent strategy for leading the opposition.

Ukshini noted that although Abdixhiku is a relatively young politician, his approach to leadership is outdated.

"He behaves as though he is a party president who alone decides everything. In the morning he says he is in opposition to Kurti, at noon he is in opposition to the Democratic Party of Kosovo, in the afternoon he is in opposition to the Alliance, and by the end of the day no one understands what he actually wants. He has no political vision, nor any vision for how to function as an opposition leader. I believe his departure would be beneficial both for the opposition and for the LDK," Ukshini told Kosovo Online.

He acknowledged that there are still individuals within the LDK who continue to support Abdixhiku.

"But being in opposition is not about appearing on television and holding press conferences urging Kurti not to form an alliance with the PDK. Naturally, no prime minister wants to face a united opposition because it poses serious competition. Lumir Abdixhiku constantly appears in the media saying he is in opposition, but not like the PDK. In reality, a political party must either cooperate with Vetëvendosje or with the PDK. It must pursue a political agenda rather than remain on the sidelines."

According to Ukshini, Abdixhiku's political conduct is outdated, and it remains unclear whether he seeks cooperation with the opposition or with the governing parties.

"The only cooperation he had during the previous mandate was with Vjosa Osmani and Vetëvendosje, when he voted for Osmani to become president, thereby indirectly helping Vetëvendosje. He did so believing it would strengthen his own position within the LDK. He offered his resignation yet remained party leader, demonstrating that he wants to stay at the head of the LDK at any cost. I believe his time has passed."

Political scientist Ognjen Gogic likewise believes that several election cycles have demonstrated that Lumir Abdixhiku is not the leader capable of returning the Democratic League of Kosovo to electoral success and that the party is in urgent need of reform. He also argues that Vjosa Osmani's return further deepened divisions within the party, which was reflected in its election results.

Gogic said the June elections showed that the LDK had failed to achieve any significant recovery compared with the December elections and had merely managed to stabilize its position while slowing its decline.

"Percentage-wise they performed somewhat better, but in absolute numbers they again recorded a decline in votes. The LDK cannot be satisfied with these results, and it became evident that Vjosa Osmani did not significantly improve the party's standing. This reflects a series of poor decisions by the party leadership, without any serious effort to reassess its own performance or find a way to consolidate the LDK," Gogic told Kosovo Online.

Addressing the internal split, Gogic recalled that the issue of political accountability had already been raised after the December elections, when Abdixhiku offered to resign, only for the party assembly in January to reject his resignation.

"It now appears that the party leadership is entirely under his control and continues to shield him from political accountability."

At the same time, he noted that demands for Abdixhiku's resignation are becoming increasingly vocal, pointing out that the mayors of Peja and Lipljan have publicly called for him to step down.

"They openly urged Abdixhiku to resign, but he refused. It appears, however, that these two mayors are speaking on behalf of a faction within the LDK that sees Pristina Mayor Përparim Rama as the party's future leader. A bloc is emerging that is attempting to bring about change within the party."

He also recalled that former Kosovo Prime Minister Avdullah Hoti has likewise called for Abdixhiku's resignation.

According to Gogic, many of the party's most prominent officials support change, but Abdixhiku and his close associates continue to control the key decision-making mechanisms.

"There is a disconnect between the will of the leadership and the mood among the party's grassroots, which further weakens the LDK. If the party fails to find the strength to reform itself, it will have little serious political future in Kosovo. The LDK has been losing public support for quite some time. In that context, calls for Vjosa Osmani to become the party's presidential candidate again are unfounded, since neither her electoral performance nor the mood within the party indicates such support—let alone support from other political parties."

For that reason, Gogic said, it is no coincidence that the strongest calls for change are coming from mayors who have themselves achieved electoral success.

"It is therefore paradoxical that LDK members are not giving greater support to Pristina Mayor Përparim Rama, who has proven himself to be a charismatic leader capable of standing up to Kurti and represents a fresh face on Kosovo's political scene."

According to Gogic, repeated election cycles have clearly demonstrated that Abdixhiku is not the leader capable of returning the LDK to a winning path.

"The party desperately needs reform, yet it appears incapable of implementing it. There seems to be a kind of oligarchy within the LDK preventing meaningful change. One possible outcome is a split, with the mayors seeking reform eventually looking for a political alternative outside the party if they fail to achieve change from within."

Regarding Vjosa Osmani's role, Gogic argued that she is not responsible for the split within the LDK, although she has contributed to deepening internal divisions.

"Osmani left the LDK almost six years ago and cannot be held solely responsible for the party's current condition. Her departure dealt the party a serious political blow, but the question remains why those who stayed failed to consolidate the LDK during the following six years. Responsibility for that lies with those who have led the party."

He added that Osmani's return created new divisions rather than bringing fresh momentum.

"She failed to generate synergy or restore public support. Many criticized her political shifts and her decision to return to the LDK after her cooperation with Kurti collapsed, expecting the party to revive her political career."

Nevertheless, Gogic believes that the current LDK leadership bears greater responsibility than Osmani herself.

"The greater responsibility lies with Abdixhiku, who, despite being fully aware of the divisions and controversies surrounding Osmani, nevertheless opened the door for her return to the party. Above all, responsibility rests with those who have continuously led the LDK, not with Osmani herself," Gogic concluded.