Serbian Government's strategy for the return of displaced persons from Kosovo: Is there hope for the exiled?

The Serbian government has adopted a Strategy for Resolving the Issues of Refugees and Internally Displaced Persons for the Period 2024–2030, with one of its key goals being the creation of conditions for the sustainable return of internally displaced persons (IDPs) to their homes in Kosovo. However, as highlighted by recent incidents, including the attack on Dragica Gasic, the sole Serbian returnee to Djakovica, experts warn that achieving this goal in Kosovo's current reality is almost a Sisyphean task. Instead of sustainable return, the dominant concern remains security.

Written by: Arsenije Vuckovic

For the displaced Serbs and other non-Albanians from Kosovo since 1999, time seems to have stood still. Over 200,000 displaced persons remain in limbo, 25 years later, lost in the statistics of international organizations, with the topic rarely discussed anymore.

At the same time, cases of return are so rare they fall under the category of “statistical error.”

Among the few returnees are the Mladenovic family, who returned earlier this year from Belgrade to their hometown of Berivojce, near Kamenica. Five family members—Lozica, Sasa, and their three children—made the journey back.

“We left in 2011. First, my wife and kids returned in January this year, and then I joined them in April. We plan to stay here as long as we can, and we have no intention of leaving again,” Sasa Mladenovic told Kosovo Online in May.

However, many returnees face violence.

Dragica Gasic, the only Serbian returnee in Djakovica, could write a book about her experiences.

Just a few days ago, the evening before celebrating her family’s patron saint day, Aranđelovdan, her house was stoned. Again.

“I didn’t see who threw the stones. I called the police; they came, conducted an investigation, and left. When I opened the terrace door, no one was on the street. They’ve broken my door ten times so far, until I installed a reinforced one. Countless times. They’ve stolen everything from my apartment. One man even admitted in court to robbing me, but I received no response from authorities,” Gasic told reporters.

The Office for Kosovo and Metohija condemned the incident, attributing the increasing anti-Serb atmosphere to the rhetoric and actions of Kosovo’s Prime Minister Albin Kurti.

“Every anti-Serb statement and action by Albin Kurti spills over into the daily lives of Serbs in Kosovo. Last night, on Aranđelovdan, the sole Serbian returnee in Djakovica, Dragica Gasic, had her home stoned again,” the Office stated.

Commissioner for Refugees and Migration Natasa Stanisavljevic highlighted the unresolved plight of Serbian refugees during an OSCE conference in Warsaw, noting that around 200,000 Serbs and other non-Albanians displaced from Kosovo remain in dire circumstances.

“This is one of the longest and still unresolved refugee crises in Europe. Of the over 600,000 refugees, more than 350,000 have obtained Serbian citizenship. However, around 8,000 refugees from Bosnia and Croatia are still awaiting solutions to their housing needs,” Stanisavljevic stated.

She emphasized that the return of IDPs to Kosovo remains hindered by security concerns and violations of basic rights.

Return Strategy

Assistant Professor at the Faculty of Law in North Mitrovica, Dusko Celic, told Kosovo Online that the security of returnees is a crucial issue. He noted that by adopting the Strategy, the Serbian government has sent a political message that it remains committed to enabling the return of displaced persons. However, Celic stressed that this issue cannot be resolved without more significant international intervention.

“If we interpret this document, we can primarily say that Serbia is signaling that it has not given up on the return of Serbs to Kosovo and Metohija. It sends a political message that this issue remains open and that every effort will be made for Serbs to return to Kosovo and Metohija in a more organized and substantial way,” Celic emphasized.

Celic, who was one of the experts involved in drafting a similar strategy adopted by the then-Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the early 2000s, warned that according to UNHCR data, around 240,000 people left Kosovo in 1999, and their return over the past 25 years has been negligible—amounting to a statistical anomaly unprecedented globally.

“Here we are, a quarter of a century later, and the number of returnees is at the level of a statistical error. The situation remains essentially the same. It seems unprecedented in global terms that a community—two-thirds of the Serbs from Kosovo and Metohija—has not managed to return even a quarter of a century after being violently displaced,” the expert concluded.

He recalls that in the 2001 strategy for the return of displaced persons to Kosovo, there was consensus at both the expert and political levels that the return should be organized and large-scale.

“The basic principle should be that the return is organized and large-scale, not sporadic or unorganized. I hope that this time, one of the fundamental principles of the government’s strategy is precisely that,” Celic said.

He warns that the main issue during the early sporadic returns of Serbs, in 2001 and 2002, despite the fact that UNMIK held executive power at the time, was the strong resistance from Albanians.

“Now, after Kosovo declared unilateral so-called independence in 2008, the situation on the ground is even worse. It seems to me that, without significant international intervention, the return is simply not possible,” Celic emphasized.

When asked whether this means that the return of displaced persons must involve the active participation of the international community, the law professor was unequivocal.

“Absolutely. Even back in 2001, it wasn’t possible without UNMIK. Due to the strong resistance, there was no return, and the whole effort was reduced to a ‘go-and-see’ project. Displaced Serbs could, with armed escorts from UNMIK, visit their property to assess its condition. Even then, there was strong resistance to such a project, let alone to any plans for permanent and sustainable return,” Celic reminded.

Celic warns that the situation today is even more unfavorable.

“The current situation on the ground is worse due to the systematic violence carried out by the regime in Pristina and the evident lack of political will for the return of Serbs. This lack of will is apparent not only in the authorities in Pristina but, it seems, also within international organizations. None of them are currently addressing the return of Serbs to Kosovo and Metohija, even though they all profess commitment to a multiethnic Kosovo and are aware that the mass displacement of Serbs was so severe it bordered on genocide,” Celic explained.

He believes that the original idea of the international community—returning the displaced to the places they left—is now entirely unrealistic. The only feasible solution is for displaced Serbs to return to areas in Kosovo where Serbs already form a majority.

“More than 350 settlements were ethnically cleansed of Serbs since 1999. The international community initially insisted that the return should occur to the displaced persons' original places of residence. That, of course, wasn’t feasible even then, and it’s even less so now. It’s more realistic to expect returns to areas where Serbs have managed to remain,” Celic noted.

He primarily referred to northern Kosovo, followed by central Kosovo, the Kosovo Pomoravlje region, and to a lesser extent, the Osojane Valley.

“This means displaced Serbs could rely on local Serbian populations because it’s clear they cannot rely on the local authorities in Pristina. There’s evidently a systematically fueled atmosphere of intolerance among the local Albanian population toward Serbs,” Celic concluded.

Sustainable Survival

Dalibor Jevtic, the mayor of Strpce and former Minister for Communities and Return, emphasized that sustainable survival is the foundation for the sustainable return of displaced persons. However, this is only achievable if current political obstacles are removed and all necessary preconditions are met, including housing, healthcare, and education.

“I have always stressed, even during my tenure in the ministry addressing this issue, that without sustainable survival, there can be no sustainable return. For returnees to remain in Kosovo after their return, it’s essential to provide not only housing construction or renovation but also quality healthcare, economic security, and access to education. These are the pillars of life for every individual, whether they are displaced or have lived in the same place their entire life. Sustainable return will only be possible when we no longer face these other issues—primarily political problems,” Jevtic told Kosovo Online.

Commenting on the recent attack on Dragica Gasic, the sole returnee to Djakovica, Dalibor Jevtic stated that there are far too many similar incidents.

“I worked on the return of displaced persons to Ljubozda, a village near Istok, where we facilitated the return of Serbs who had been displaced due to the war. They went through all the procedures, all the checks, everything that the return process entails. They rebuilt houses and constructed new ones, and people returned. What happens after all these years? The representative of that returnee village is arrested and accused of war crimes. I’m talking about Žarko Zaric, who is currently in custody. And Žarko Zaric is not the only example. Essentially, sustainable return will only be possible if, in addition to meeting basic preconditions, we also remove these political obstacles and issues that hinder the process,” Jevtic emphasized.

According to him, under current circumstances, the return of displaced persons is feasible only in areas where Serbs constitute a majority.

“In today’s conditions, it is clear that, for the return of Serbs to be sustainable, they can only return to majority-Serb areas or settlements—places where the pillars of life I mentioned, such as healthcare, education, and economic opportunities, are already established,” Jevtic said.

Jevtic pointed out that the return to urban areas and cities is far more complex.

“In Pristina, there is no school in the Serbian language. The same applies to other cities. Look at what is happening to a single returnee in Djakovica, Dragica Gasic. So, today, Serbs can only return to places where there is a minimum of conditions for a normal life and survival,” clarified the mayor of Strpce.

He emphasized that for the potential return and survival of Serbs in Kosovo, it is crucial that they do not sell their property, as retaining it is the only way to preserve the possibility of future returns.

“It’s important not to sell our property, the property our ancestors left us. Every time you sell a piece of that property, you sell the chance for our future presence,” Jevtic stressed.

He underscored the need to avoid viewing the life of Serbs in Kosovo through the lens of daily political events or short-term plans.

“We must think about the distant future, and for that, we need to remain persistent,” Jevtic stated.

Preconditions and Obstacles

Sociologist Marija Marsenic, from the Institute for European Studies, argued that Pristina has entirely obstructed the return of displaced persons, while the international community continues to ignore the widespread intolerance and resistance to the return of Serbs to Kosovo. She pointed out that the recent stoning of Dragica Gasic’s house in Djakovica is a clear example of this issue.

“It is necessary to ensure that returnees are protected from discrimination, have full participation in public life, access to public services, social protection, and freedom of movement. However, we see that the so-called Kosovo authorities, who like to call themselves champions of democracy, have completely blocked these rights. It’s also important to note that the international community, in all of its reports, either fails to mention this issue, one of the longest-standing refugee crises, or relegates it to side notes, entirely ignoring the widespread intolerance and resistance to the return of Serbs to Kosovo and Metohija,” Marsenic told Kosovo Online.

Commenting on Serbia's Strategy for Resolving the Issues of Refugees and Internally Displaced Persons for the Period 2024–2030, sociologist Marija Marsenic emphasized that the return of displaced persons is feasible only in areas of Kosovo where Serbs form a majority.

“Return is possible only in limited areas where there is already a compact Serbian community. The greatest chances for return are in northern Kosovo and Metohija, specifically the four Serbian municipalities: North Mitrovica, Zvecan, Leposavic, and Zubin Potok. Additionally, there are places like Gracanica, Strpce, and, to some extent, Velika Hoca and Orahovac, where established and formed Serbian communities exist. These areas are not only ethnically compact but also relatively safe for living,” Marsenic explained.

She stated that return to other parts of Kosovo is absolutely impossible.

“Return to other areas of Kosovo, such as Urosevac, Djakovica, Pec, Pristina, and other predominantly Albanian regions, would be absolutely impossible because people would face serious security threats as well as significant legal and administrative challenges,” Marsenic stressed.

She further explained that even return to majority-Serb areas requires the fulfillment of numerous preconditions.

“The conditions for the return of forcibly displaced Serbs to Kosovo and Metohija are very poor. Theoretically, a series of preconditions must be met, such as security stability, institutional support, resolution of property issues, and reduction of ethnic tensions, for such returns to become practically feasible,” Marsenic concluded.

Marsenic highlighted that the recent stoning of Dragica Gasic's house in Djakovica, on the eve of her patron saint's day, Arandjelovdan, is the best evidence of the challenges faced by returnees.

She noted that Gasic has faced severe problems from the beginning of her return.

“She has experienced intimidation, house break-ins, ransacking, and an inability to purchase basic groceries in Djakovica because Albanians simply refused to sell to her. As a result, she had to procure basic supplies from the northern part of Kosovo and Metohija. Even after three years, the restitution process is moving very slowly and is extremely complicated. Additionally, there are numerous examples of Serbian homes being broken into when their owners are away, with thefts and ransacking sending a clear message: it’s unsafe to return,” Marsenic warned.

She also mentioned that returnees in villages like Ljubozda and Dubrava faced similar issues, such as graffiti of the KLA (Kosovo Liberation Army) and other forms of intimidation.

“This shows that the entire process is riddled with systemic problems, discouraging Serbs from returning to Kosovo and Metohija,” she said.

Marsenic pointed out another significant issue: many Serbs cannot return because their property has been seized or destroyed. Those who do choose to return face the risk of being accused of war crimes.

“We know that much of Serbian property has been unlawfully occupied, seized, or destroyed. In many cases, houses have been burned, land illegally taken, apartments given to third parties, and so on. Another critical issue is that Serbs who decide to return to Kosovo and Metohija and address their property issues often face charges of war crimes,” Marsenic emphasized.