Should the diaspora have guaranteed seats in parliament?

Should the diaspora be stripped of its voting rights because it lacks a realistic understanding of everyday life in Kosovo? This issue has long been debated in Kosovo, but following the June 7 elections—where votes cast from abroad influenced the allocation of five parliamentary seats—a new question has emerged: Should the diaspora instead be granted reserved seats in parliament? Kosovo Online's interlocutors hold differing views. Some are firmly opposed, arguing that such a system would benefit the ruling party, while others believe guaranteed seats for the diaspora would bring new dynamics to the country's political life.

Written by: Dusica Radeka Djordjevic

According to the certified final results of the June 7 elections, the Self-Determination Movement (Self-Determination) won the largest number of seats in the Kosovo Assembly—53 in total. Five of those mandates were secured thanks to votes cast by the diaspora.

The outcome was also influenced by low voter turnout within Kosovo itself.

Of the votes cast at diplomatic missions, Self-Determination received 18,789 votes, accounting for 83.28 percent, while it won 60,003 postal votes, or 72.94 percent.

According to Eugen Cakolli of the Kosovo Democratic Institute, the number of parliamentary seats determined by diaspora votes could be even higher in future elections.

"In the 2021 elections, we had three mandates. Now we have reached five, and it is likely that the number will continue to increase," he said.

Given the diaspora's growing role in the electoral process, political analyst Albinot Maloku believes it should have its own representatives in the Kosovo Assembly.

Professor Mazllum Baraliu likewise argues that direct representation of the diaspora through a dedicated quota in parliament would be a better solution, although he notes that such a change would require constitutional amendments.

Political analyst Nexhmedin Spahiu, however, opposes the idea of guaranteed seats for the diaspora.

Speaking to Kosovo Online, he said such a system would be neither appropriate nor effective in addressing any of the political challenges facing Kosovo.

"To separate MPs representing the diaspora, the law would have to be amended, and I believe that would create additional complications," he said.

Spahiu also points out that members of the diaspora frequently travel to Kosovo, making it difficult to establish clear criteria, as many own houses or apartments in Kosovo and continue paying utility bills while living abroad.

"They may be here, or they may be there," Spahiu noted.

If the system were nevertheless changed and the diaspora were granted reserved parliamentary seats, he believes this would primarily benefit Albin Kurti's Self-Determination.

At the same time, Spahiu rejects calls to revoke the diaspora's voting rights, whether exercised at diplomatic missions or by mail.

"The majority of Kosovo's citizens actually live abroad. Kosovo has approximately 3.3 million citizens, while only about 1.5 million live in Kosovo. That means most Kosovo citizens reside outside Kosovo. They have a significant impact on Kosovo's economy, they visit frequently, send money to their families, and the country relies heavily on those contributions. There are voices calling for the abolition of voting through embassies and postal ballots, but I do not believe that would be fair," Spahiu said.

Dusan Radakovic, Executive Director of the non-governmental organization Advocacy Center for Democratic Culture (ACDC), also opposes reserved parliamentary seats for the diaspora, arguing that it does not have a realistic understanding of everyday life in Kosovo.

He is particularly critical of the fact that five parliamentary seats in the June 7 elections were effectively determined by diaspora votes.

"Five seats in parliament is a substantial number. It is completely unrealistic for five mandates to be decided by people who do not live here, who do not have a realistic picture of conditions on the ground, and who do not experience the daily challenges faced in Kosovo—whether economic issues such as water and electricity shortages, or political pressures. The fact that five MPs were elected thanks to votes from people who have not lived in Kosovo for years, perhaps even for more than 30 years, and who merely hold Kosovo identity cards, essentially creates an imaginary picture of life in Kosovo," Radakovic told Kosovo Online.

He also believes that introducing reserved seats for the diaspora would primarily benefit Self-Determination.

According to him, the diaspora has consistently tended to vote for whichever party is in power, and in the latest elections that party was Self-Determination.

"In the previous period, in 2018, the Democratic Party of Kosovo (PDK) also received a considerable number of diaspora votes, although not nearly as many as Self-Determination has now, because those votes were divided among two or three parties. This time, however, Self-Determination secured 80 percent of the diaspora vote. At the same time, voter turnout inside Kosovo was significantly lower because public trust has generally declined and people are exhausted by repeated elections. I do not believe the diaspora should have its own representatives. Too many diaspora votes went to a single party, and that is not democratic," Radakovic argued.

The number of reserved parliamentary seats for diaspora representatives varies among countries that have adopted such systems. Romania's Parliament, for example, reserves six seats for the Romanian diaspora. Italy allocates 12 seats, while France reserves 11 seats in the National Assembly and an additional 12 in the Senate. Croatia elects three representatives in a special electoral constituency, and Prime Minister and HDZ leader Andrej Plenkovic recently announced that the governing majority is prepared to consider increasing the number of MPs elected by Croatian citizens living abroad.

Milos Pavkovic, Director of Strategy at the Center for European Policies in Belgrade, says that if Kosovo were to introduce reserved seats for the diaspora, it would likely amount to no more than two or three MPs.

Even that number, he believes, would introduce new dynamics into political life in Pristina.

He notes that reserved parliamentary seats for citizens living abroad are not uncommon across Europe. Whenever a country has a sizeable portion of its citizens residing abroad, such arrangements are frequently used.

In Kosovo's case, however, he argues that such a system would probably not benefit the current governing party.

"It seems to me that the diaspora's influence is actually greater when its members vote directly in general elections than it would be if they were allocated reserved seats. If we compare the number of Kosovo citizens living across Europe with the total electorate and the number of parliamentary seats, the diaspora would probably have no more than two or three MPs. On the other hand, when they participate directly in elections, as they did this time, their influence is decisive—they effectively secured five seats for Self-Determination. From Self-Determination's perspective, therefore, it would not be rational to replace that with reserved mandates for citizens living abroad," Pavkovic said.

He adds that introducing reserved seats for the diaspora would require legislative amendments, a lengthy process that would likely trigger negotiations among political actors—something for which, in his view, there is currently little political appetite.

Hypothetically speaking, if the diaspora were allocated reserved seats, Pavkovic believes those two or three MPs would enjoy a certain degree of political autonomy and would undoubtedly bring a new dynamic to Kosovo's political landscape.

"In certain situations, they could become the deciding factor in forming a government, passing legislation, or amending the Constitution. In that sense, they would introduce new dynamics and changes into Kosovo's political life. The question, however, is whether those MPs would align themselves with one of the existing political parties in Kosovo or whether they would represent an entirely new political force acting independently, which would significantly influence the country's political dynamics," Pavkovic concluded.