Was the Franco-German plan made by Albin Kurti?

A proposal with several points, drawn up in a declarative form, which comes from the French and German states but also has the support of the US, seems increasingly difficult.

More than that, the Franco-German plan, even as it is, improves the international dimension of Kosovo, despite the fact that it is difficult for Albanians to show a unified position.

The whole plan actually refers to the further international legitimization of Kosovo, on the one hand, and, on the other hand, to ease the "pain" of Serbia for the actual acceptance of Kosovo's independence.

The rationale of the Franco-German plan relies exclusively on 'normalization', to not leave a way for the 'open conflict', which in itself, retains a subordinate strategic meaning internally.

From the reflection of the neighboring country - Serbia, it seems that it is possible to accept this plan, within which the improvement of Kosovo's international position is accepted. But the Serbs say they managed to remove mutual recognition.

And then what?

Perhaps it is time to ask the question, whose interest is the mutual recognition of Serbia and Kosovo? Who loses, and who gains more with mutual recognition? Is mutual recognition equivalent? Is it necessary for Serbia to recognize Kosovo and for Kosovo to recognize Serbia?!

One thing is certain. The right answer to these questions opens a path that completely devalues the "war" for mutual recognition.

Albanians, at the national level, should accept the idea that the request for mutual recognition, in its essence, could be against the perspective of vital Albanian national interests?!

But, can all Albanians answer this question as a nation, while their state institutions, which should be independent and academic, functioned under the name of small Albanian rulers in the past as well as today?

And the question that, among many others, can be elaborated in the following: Is it correct that the Franco-German plan is a direct or indirect product of the politics and strategy made by Albin Kurti, and where is the opposition's place in this connection, which accepted all conditions that Serbia demands today in exchange for this plan? From the Community of Serb-majority Municipalities onwards?

And at the very end, if the courts are constitutional after the Kosovo Assembly legitimized the Community of Serb-majority Municipalities, then the question arises whether the legitimization of the CSM within the constitutional order of Kosovo and also an official - de facto international acceptance of the US, the Quint states, is a product of Albin Kurti.

Written by: Rexhep Hoti, a politician from the DPK ranks