Popovic: The Sretenje Constitution defined Serbia as a state completely independent of great power influence

Radomir Popovic, a research advisor at the Historical Institute in Belgrade, tells Kosovo Online that by celebrating Sretenje as Statehood Day, Serbia reaffirms its national tradition.

The beginning of the First Serbian Uprising on Sretenje in 1804, Popovic emphasizes, marked the start of the restoration of the Serbian state.

As he says, over its more than 220-year history, Serbia has undergone various forms of governance and territorial changes, however, the strong legacy of the Yugoslav state, especially the second Yugoslav state in the latter half of the 20th century, suppressed the memory of the origins of Serbian statehood – without which Yugoslavia and all other state formations would not have existed.

“That is why, when we talk about Sretenje, we are actually talking about an attempt to establish a new culture of remembrance and reaffirm Serbian state tradition from the 19th century, returning to its roots and foundations. It is an effort to build a new state identity in the 21st century based on bright and significant historical traditions. The Yugoslav legacy long overshadowed Serbian statehood, which is why Sretenje and the commemoration of key events from the 19th century should serve to reaffirm our traditional values,” Popovic says.

He reminds that the First Serbian Uprising initially began as a revolt against the janissary leaders (dahijas) but soon evolved into the Serbian Revolution, a struggle for national liberation that was deeply rooted in the traditions of the medieval Serbian state.

“In the First Serbian Uprising and throughout the 19th century, we seek a connection to the older state tradition, the medieval Serbian tradition. This historical continuity links our past from the Middle Ages to the modern era, given that from the late 15th century until the early 19th century, Serbia was effectively without statehood. The restored Serbia and the second Serbian state in the 19th century, Montenegro, ultimately led the national liberation movements of the early 20th century during the Balkan Wars and World War I. At the time of Yugoslavia’s creation, it was believed that the national question had been resolved, as the majority of Serbs lived within a single state entity. However, with the painful dissolution of both Yugoslav states in the 1990s, we were forcibly returned to our historical beginnings, suffering great losses and scars along the way,” he explains.

The first constitution of the Principality of Serbia, known as the Sretenje Constitution, was adopted on February 15, 1835, but remained in effect for only a short period. Popovic points out that it serves as an archetypal example of the struggle between the authority of an autocratic ruler, Prince Milos, and a political group that sought to limit his power. The Sretenje Constitution, he emphasizes, embodies both the democratic and state-building traditions of the Serbian people.

It was drafted by Dimitrije Davidovic, Prince Milos’s secretary, with the prince’s knowledge and approval.

“There is often a claim that Prince Milos opposed the Sretenje Constitution, and while this is largely true, he ultimately supported it once it was written and adopted. The constitution defined the Principality of Serbia as a state completely independent of great power influence. When we speak about the Sretenje Constitution, we are discussing a struggle between an indigenous Serbian national policy, represented at the time by Prince Milos and Dimitrije Davidovic, and the influence of great powers, which sought to shape Serbia’s policies to serve their own interests. At that time, as in later periods, the interests of the great powers prevailed, leading to the abolition of the Sretenje Constitution. However, its legacy and memory continued to inspire Serbian democratic forces, ultimately contributing to the establishment of a democratic political and social order. This culminated in the adoption of the 1888 and 1903 constitutions,” Popovic concludes.