Without a constitutional change, the isolation of North Macedonia is a threat; that is a chance for Kurti

Writing for Kosovo online: Zeljko Sain, Politika's special correspondent from North Macedonia

Political and legal disagreements in Kosovo during the SFR Yugoslavia helped the international community to internalize inter-ethnic relations in socialist countries with communist ideology to reach the only safe option for changing borders, after the Cold War. Although we live in modern times and the slave-owning society is far behind us, the world powers by no means abandon the "Divide and rule" method, the great powers are dividing the world with a symphonic armed array, with their hand on the trigger of atomic weapons.

The Western Balkans, a part of the world characterized by numerous natural beauties, in which every world traveler can find a place to enjoy, even the one with the most refined taste, a crossroads of different cultures and religions, has throughout history been a constant target of political interests. “The Balkans produces more history than it can consume”, these are the words of Winston Churchill, which a senior political and religious official from the Vatican reminded me of in an interview for "Politika", which will be exclusively published on Sunday.

Actually, I was convinced of this while living and working in Pristina, at the end of the ninth and the beginning of the tenth decade of the last century. I came to Kosovo and Metohija from Vojvodina, a multinational environment where I was used to different interpersonal relationships, where sport, music, and education brought us together, regardless of nationality, political orientation, religion, etc. When I came to the southern Serbian province, they considered me a great naive, not because I came from Kovacica, the cradle of naive painting, but because the relations between the Serbs and the Albanians were so different from everything I was used to. So far away, they fought for a voice more among the Roma people. The Roma people who forgot the Romani language and spoke Albanian - were registered as Ashkali and were considered the Albanians, while a certain group of Roma people who sought their political promotion switched to the Egyptians, and those who did not change their sense of belonging at the demonstrations carried a banner " Serb brothers, we too are with you".

I could not understand the street demonstrations where students, even elementary school students, were brought out, who were asked to chant for the change of the Constitution, and they certainly did not understand the Constitution or the law. Admittedly, today we are witnessing that the highest representatives of the international community are playing with the highest state act of a country. Demonstrations of the Albanians took turns demanding democracy, improvement of human rights, and everything that already existed. The 1974 Constitution gave all rights to the autonomous provinces. Fighters from the Second World War held important political positions at the provincial federal level, from Kole Shiroka, Fadil Hoxha, Ali Shukriu, and Sinan Hasani, who also served as the President of the Presidency of SFR Yugoslavia. After the demonstrations in 1968, positive measures were taken to raise the status of Kosovo within the Yugoslav Federation. The Albanian language became the official language. After that, the standardization of the Albanian language was carried out and it became the path of the national unity of the Albanians.

While I was in Pristina, I understood Miroslav Krleza and his explanation that the right to self-determination, including the right to secession, is easily transformed into nationalism and irredentism. The Albanian demonstrations demanding the creation of the Kosovo state were, in fact, a betrayal of the communist ideology, for which nationalism was the same as the destruction of the communist society and system, and, accordingly, a counter-revolution.

One of the initiators of such a counter-revolution was Adem Demaci, whom I met in his home in Pristina after he was released from prison. Although he did not receive any journalists then, he wanted to talk to me. He told me that Milosevic was leading a repressive policy against the Albanians in Kosovo. He seemed calm as if he had had enough of everything, both prison and political struggle. Nevertheless, he gathered around him all those who were in favor of an aggressive and fierce fight for the secession of Kosovo from Serbia. He founded the Revolutionary Movement for the Unification of Albanians, for which, as the leader of the pan-Albanian movement for the annexation of Kosovo to Albania, he was sentenced to 15 years in prison in 1964. He became a symbol of the Albanian national movement.

Today, Adem Demaci got his own street in Skopje, in the municipality of Chair, instead of the former name of the Second Partisan Brigade, which cherished the memory of the anti-fascist struggle against the occupiers and domestic traitors. Of course, Albin Kurti, the Prime Minister of the quasi-state of Kosovo, was also present at the renaming of the street, but he was also promoted as the President of all Albanians.

It is known that Kurti was one of the most respected figures under Demaci, and in his government is Minister Gervalla, from whose family Jusuf and Bardhosh Gervalla were killed in Germany, who tried to organize armed resistance of Albanians based in Germany, but were discovered by Serbian secret services in cooperation with the German police. After that, the Albanian diaspora became increasingly active in the national issue and formed clubs through which finances were collected for the Kosovo Liberation Army.

The first armed unit was formed in 1989, and in 1991 it was recognized as LPK, based in Zurich, and after the meeting of its leaders with Albanian President Ramiz Alia, the KLA was formed. This stream became dominant and chose an aggressive path, disagreeing with the Gandhian observation represented by Ibrahim Rugova and Fehmi Agani, leaders of the Democratic League of Kosovo. Bujar Bukoshi, the future Prime Minister of Kosovo in exile, assured me of this peaceful option while we were filming the Albanian referendum for independent Kosovo, in the fields around Mitrovica, Gnjilan, and Pristina. It was in September 1991. In July of the same year, the Declaration of Independence was voted in Kacanik.

Many years later, in Zagreb, I met with Jusuf Karakushi, then the Minister of the Interior, who told Rrahman Morina that the illegal assembly of Kosovo was being held in Pec. I then asked Karakushi why he had informed Morina like that, but instead of an answer, I got his soft smile, and it was up to me to interpret it. Later, the bombing of Yugoslavia happened and Kosovo got a different status in the world on the international level.

Kurti, we had the opportunity to see in North Macedonia, took over the entire ideology of Demaci and began the internationalization of the unification of Albanians, for which he received acclamation consent in Tetovo, at a rally of support with the anthem and flag of a foreign country - Albania. Although the organizers and mayors of Chair and Tetovo received misdemeanor charges due to non-compliance with the Law on the Flag and Anthem, they cannot be significantly punished, only misdemeanors. Albanian political entities have taken a significant step towards the realization of their vision of creating a "Greater Albania".

Bearing in mind that 114 MPs of the Assembly of Kosovo in Kacanik proclaimed the Declaration of Independence of Kosovo, it will not be a surprise that Albanian MPs from North Macedonia, Montenegro, Albania, Greece, and Kosovo declare the independent state of "Greater Albania".

However, North Macedonia first faces the uncertainty of how the constitutional changes will take place in the Assembly today, i.e. if this country will succeed in fulfilling the new condition for joining the European family. If constitutional changes are not implemented, the EU will isolate North Macedonia, and Albania will go on the road to European integration alone. This, perhaps, could be a chance for Kurti to access the legacy left to him by Demaci regarding the integration of the territories of the Albanians into a "Greater Albania".